The PCL is developing its IV Congress while the Coordinating Committee for the Refoundation of the Fourth International (CRFI), the international organization founded by PCL, is going to split. The main event that triggered this situation is PO proposal of expelling PCL. As it’s pointed in the Platform C document for the Congress “(…) violent reaction of PO’s leadership, which proposes expelling PCL because of being a ‘clique’” (page 15: http://www.pclavoratori.it/files/index.php?obj=NEWS&oid=5342).

In the international documents of Platforms A and C, PCL states that PO rejects any kind of organized discussion inside the CRFI. The only proposal is PCL direct expulsion. It’s clear then that any further reason won’t be more than an excuse in order to hide its fractional aim. PO’s position is openly anti-democratic: expulsion without any kind of organized discussion previously. This sort of positions will promote a confuse split leading to a demoralization in the CRFI militants.

Thus, DIP and EEK proposal of a conference (pointed in Platform C Document) is a democratic resistance position, probably aiming to prevent even more confusion among comrades. It’s a democratic grouping in order to better process the split: without discussion is demoralizing, through discussion, it is not. This is positive, and PO’s rejection shows they don’t consider that destroying “its” International is politically risky or at least deserves an explanation.


The imminent destruction of the CRFI is related with its paralysis since the global crisis erupted. It has been 10 years since the last issue of International Worker (CRFI newspaper) and 4 since the last CRFI Executive Committee declaration. CRFI doesn’t exist since, at least, one year ago. It has been paralysed facing the Popular Front rise and actually it voted divided in Greece in 2012. Towards the gains of the fascist right and Trump government, PO attack to PCL, non-discussed liquidation of the CRFI and the split with its main european party is a signal of big political and strategic disorientation.

This discussion is under the pressure of capitalist bankruptcy, not only internal disagreements. When there are 12 days left to Trump presidential inauguration, instead of discussing how to fight fascist rise in the USA, CRFI is discussing its internal crisis. In addition to this, the German vice-chancellor Sigmar Gabriel has just stated that “it’s not longer impossible a UE breakout” (Newsweek, 7/1). The oldest bank in the world and the main in Italy (Monte Paschi di Siena) has gone bankrupt. None of this is discussed among the documents published by PCL, which refers to the CRFI crisis. CRFI is collapsing in the framework of financial capital and banks bankruptcy.

So, there is a need to call an emergency conference, in defense of the CRFI parties. This conference should re-launch CRFI initiative against fascist right. If this conference doesn´t exist, a general demoralization of CRFI cadres and rank and file may occur. We, the TPR, state the need of including our participation and others groups interested in the discussion as observers in this conference. A discussion about the development of the CRFI and how to re-launch it is required. For this reason, we propose the publication and translation of the documents about the discussion, so internationalist revolutionaries will be able to understand it and intervene. If this proposal is rejected, the risk of an implosion not only of CRFI but also its national parties is posed. Against this, it is the moment to launch a revolutionary and proletarian policy against fascism.


None of the four CRFI members intervene in this crisis according to the interests of the exploited in the international class struggle. Each party intervenes according to its particular, sectarian and self-serving interests. The most serious thing is that all this happens while DIP raises that “Imperialism is weaving the nets of the Third World War” (http://redmed.org/article/imperialism-weaving-nets-third-world-war) and that “Donald Trump is the incarnation of the success of a sui generis fascism” (http://redmed.org/article/loose-cannon-fascism). If they recognize this characteristics of the international situation but they don´t propose any political orientation or organisational arrangement, there are two possibilities. Whether they think that they are insignificant in the political situation and nobody is going to threat or attack them in the political struggle, or they consider that we are witnessing small and homogeneous groups ready to face such a situation. But in fact we are witnessing the CRFI own explosion before Trump´s rise. What none of the CRFI organizations emphasizes is that, for the workers and exploited members of these organizations, the division and rupture before the rise of fascism is a suicidal policy.

Division at this time is a symptom of great political immaturity. Unity is an obvious defensive measure. The united front is the necessary tactic to face the offensive of the right. In fact, after the defeat of 1905 revolution, and facing the Tsarist offensive, Lenin proposed a policy of unity with the Mensheviks. The revolutionary party, if its intention is to become a factor in the world political struggle, must be a vanguard fighter for the grouping of the anti-fascist, anti-war and anti-austerity forces. The way to progress, for the revolutionaries, is to confront the rise of the right. PO’s policy is exactly the contrary.

In a recent editorial, PO states that “The collapse of Kirchners, Lula and Co., has a revolutionary outlook” (https://elpiquetero.org/2016/12/18/po-festeja-a-macri-y-temer-el-derrumbe-de-los-kirchner-lula-y-cia-tiene-un-alcance-revolucionario-091216/). It doesn’t only celebrate Macri and Temer, but also considers that there would be an opportunity for revolutionaries in Latin America because of right-wing advance, while fascism rises in the metropolis that dominate Latin America. They can’t see beyond the limited electoral development that the Left Front had in Argentina, which is also threatened by the Argentinean and international political situation.

The real issue in the discussion is that PCL is approaching A&R (France), and Izar (Spain), both left organizations of the Unified Secretariat. They are also approaching PTS. They seek to develop a new international organization, beyond the CRFI. DIP and EEK try to postpone the split, not only because a rupture in confusion would be demoralizing, but also because PCL is their main point of support in continental Europe. On the contrary, PO feels threatened by the possibility of an alliance between PCL and PTS, and facing that possibility it seeks to break the CRFI by expelling PCL to prevent themselves from being the minority in the CRFI and, therefore, in Argentina. The problem is that the CRFI without PCL isn’t  the CRFI. That’s why PO undertakes the sectarian crusade against PCL.

During all the debate that is taking place in the CRFI, fascism rise is not seen as a real danger for CRFI’s organizations. There is no sense of reality in the leadership. They don’t point out next period main challenge: to intervene in electoral processes in Europe (Italy, France) against fascism’s electoral ascent. They explode because they don’t have and don’t want to have a common continental policy against fascism’s rise in Europe. Democratic centralism breaks because there are divergent strategies in class struggle. They split facing front-popular rise (vote for Syriza [PO], vote for Antarsya [EEK] and entering Syriza [PCL]); and now they do it again facing fascism’s progress. In Latin America, PO develops a sectarian position against anti-Macri united front and against the unity of anti-coup left-wing organizations at a continental level. Its rejection against anti-imperialist united front in oppressed countries, and its vindication of voting front-populist Syriza, typifies them as a current developing a process of mimicry with Morenoism, whose position is characterized by being democratizing and pro-imperialist, that is, adapted to Syriza in Europe and sectarian with nationalist movements in Latin America. While PCL wants to combat right-wing’s rise in Europe, PO seeks to take advantage of right-wing’s rise in Latin America.

Overall, they think they’ll be able to retract themselves towards the margins of the political situation as propaganda groups. Or, what is worse, as occurs with PO’s case, they think that they’ll be able to develop as a complement to the right-wing rise. We call to get the head out of the box, look straight to world’s reality and call the emergency conference.


It is raised, objectively, the call for an anti-fascist, anti-war and anti-austerity international conference. Anticapitalists (Spain) has already thrown a statement in this sense, and has opened a debate inside Podemos (https://www.cuartopoder.es/deidayvuelta/2017/01/06/anticapitalistas-impulsa-una-conferencia-internacional-antifascista-en-madrid/11873).

Popular Unity, from Varoufakis in Greece, has also launched a pan european movement (DiEM25, “for a Democratic Europe in 2025”). It states that “EU’s disintegration will provoke a collapse that will remind, in a terrible way, what happened in the 30s with nazis’ arrival to power”. Its slogan is: “¡Let’s democratize Europe! ¡EU must be democratized or it will disintegrate!” (http://www.huffingtonpost.es/2016/02/09/varoufakis-diem25-movimiento-democracia_n_9195616.html). Anti-fascist unity flag cannot remain in the hands of democratizing and reformist forces that will later on lead it to a defeat.

Revolutionary left must be in the first line of all class struggle relevant episodes at a continental scale. We’ve already stated this in relation with the first continental strike in Europe’s history, that took place in November 2014, as well as proposing the assembling of anticapitalist electoral lists during Euro Parliament elections. Both proposals were rejected by the CRFI. The don’t agree with a continental coordinate action. Regrouping attempts with A&R and IZAR aren’t enough. The don’t play a relevant role in European developments. Fighting over little groups with these characteristics (as PO and PCL are doing) is not taking into account that the workers’ united front is a policy directed towards majoritarian organizations, such as ELP and KKE. The workers’ united front is to develop a unity position towards Syriza, Podemos, Rifondazione, KKE, etc. In that sense we can place the recent open letter to Rifondazine by PCL (http://www.pclavoratori.it/files/index.php?obj=NEWS&oid=4692).

The workers’ united front in the imperialist metropolis has its roots in the real development of class struggle. It’s not true that ELP is paralyzed: it discusses and sets in motion continental initiatives. An example of this is “Plan B” signed by Varoufakis (Tsipras ex-Economy minister), Melenchón (Partie de Gauche from France), Lafontaine (Germany’s Die Linke), Urbán (Podemos), with 300 delegates from 21 countries, which stated the call for an international summit. Die Linke intervenes in the activist network Blockupy. ELP promoted the 2015 EuroMarches to Brussels, protesting against austerity, TTIP and tax havens. In fact, German ELP (Die Linke) has opposed the FTA between Europe and the US (TTIP). All these spaces have converged in a meeting in november 2016 that decided to boost a mobilization plan for 2017, which will have its maximum expression in the mobilization against G-20’s meeting in Hamburg, that will take place from the 5th to the 8th of July.

Paralyzed is the CRFI. Meanwhile, ELP visualizes itself as a counterpoint against fascists, developing an objective role of canalization and regroupment. We must intervene with the united front method: unite to smash the right-wing’s rise, and dispute the workers’ base of these formations over the base of competing on the ground of which political plan is better to combat against political reaction. If those workers don’t come with the revolutionary left, we won’t defeat filo-fascists. For those workers to come, we must convoke and develop a political experience with their traitor, repressive and adjuster leaders. Trotsky’s politics for Germany in the 20’s, when he proposed a front with german socialdemocracy, the assassins of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, is an illustrative example in this sense. We pose class struggle in front of any confrontation in our own political field, however serious it may be.

Facing the rise of Le Pen, Farage and Grillo, centrists turn left and convoke a continental initiative. Revolutionaries who have worked as oppositors to this front-populist formations, have the pressure of the recent experience of austerity and pacts with social-democracy perpetrated by this forces (Syriza, Podemos, Sanders supporting Clinton, Corbyn in laborism). This weight from the past prevents them from visualizing the necessity of the united front when these reformists turn left, to regroup them against fascism. Far from isolating from this phenomenon, we must get involved and discuss with Sanders, Corbyn, Iglesias and Tsipras our revolutionary perspective. Proletarian dictatorship must not be used as an ideological subterfuge to justify self-isolation. The real defense of proletarian dictatorship is using it as an strategic delimitation and political method to polemicize with those who want to pact with anti-worker and pro-imperialist socialdemocrats, who militarize their country and open the path for fascism (Hollande), calling unions and organizations that chanalice workers’ movement to fight and face right-wing’s rise, breaking ties with neo-liberal reformists. If front-populist left-wing forces reject to convoke a common international initiative, then the task will remain in the hands of anti-capitalist and revolutionary organizations.

The key is to regroup all revolutionary and anti-anticapitalist organizations; challenge ELP to face the fascists; seeking to organize the workers’ united front in the metropolis against fascism’s rise. PCL is thinking how to recruit two groups from the USFI’s left-wing. PO is worried about the possibility of an alliance between PCL and PTS that could defy its hegemony over the CRFI; the flag of CRFI’s defense by expelling the PCL is a political provocation that divides the anti-fascist left. CRFI’s forces must situate themselves in the historical scheme in which they intervene. They must act with a sense of the historical moment. The TPR proposes a path: CRFI’s emergency conference to face fascism’s ascent; international anti-fascist, anti-war and anti-austerity conference.

Tendencia Piquetera Revolucionaria’s Central Committee

Sunday, January 8th, 2017


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